Anarchy in the Sea: A Look at modern-day piracy on the waters of Somali Coastline

Members of a ship released by Somali pirates wave to the people soon after docking on the Kenyan port of Mombasa following months of captivity by Somali gunmen. Somalia coastline is considered among the top most dangerous in the world.


ClOSE to two decades, Somalia has been synonymous with insecurity and anarchy reigns supreme in country where the Central Government exudes little influence if any.

The result of such vacuum has bred fundamental Islamists armed for a “Jihad”, warlords thirsty for cash from unregulated but booming commercial sector and clan leaders out of touch with modernity and civility of any kind.

Of the ills that have come to characterize Somalia, piracy seems to be the one that is dominating the country’s news, at least, from 1999. Heavily armed gunmen have violently seized one ship after another and in some instances even used a captured ship to hijack a second one, a true indication of lawlessness that goes untamed.

Piracy on the Somali seas has reached alarming proportions, analysts say. But the weak Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG) based in the provisional town of Baidoa and attempting to take control of the capital Mogadishu can do very little on the matter. The country’s Prime Minister Prof. Ali Mohammed Ghedi has even come out in public and advised members of international community to “try and avoid the waters of Somalia”.

In 2005, Somalia recorded a steep rise in piracy along its 2,000-mile coastline, with 15 violent incidents reported between March and August, according to the International Maritime Bureau (IMB), a division of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) that tracks trends in piracy.

The Horn of Africa’s Coast Guard disintegrated with the Government when clan-based warlords overthrew Marxist dictator-President Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991 after which moneyed warlords turned on each other, plunging the country of 7 million into chaos.

"The main problem we are having is that we don't have the mechanism, the logistics and resources to patrol the coastline. We are calling on the international community for funding and materials so that we can train a coast guard,” Ghedi was recently quoted to have told the Somali press.

In most of he cases reported, the gunmen normally ask for a hefty ransom but immediately the cash is paid, the hijackers renege on the ‘agreement’ and demand a bigger share. It is money the pirates are after, ransom from the ship-owners, either for themselves or to help finance the array of clan-based militias on land.

Most of the hired ship belongs to a Mombasa-based tycoon, Abdulkarim Kudrati.

In 2005 for instance, gunmen who had held a United Nations (UN)-chartered ship and its crew hostage for nearly three months captured a second vessel carrying cement from Egypt as they left El Maan, a port north of Somalia's capital of Mogadishu. ‘Local authorities’ had negotiated their departure from the port just for the hijackers to raise fresh ransom demands and refused to meet a deadline to release the ship, its crew and cargo. During the episode, the family, relatives and the owners of the ship had to wait with baited breath for a record 90 days for the ordeal to be over.

According to the data from the maritime authority, the U.N.-chartered ship was carrying 935 tonnes of rice donated by Japan and Germany for 28,000 Somalis who had been affected by the Asian tsunami, whose force was powerful enough to inundate parts of Somalia. The gunmen boarded the MV Semlow, registered in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, on June 27, had it first kept near Haradheere before proceeding to the busy El Maan port.

Shortly after the ordeal, pirates south of Mogadishu, the Somali capital, took another ship carrying UN food aid. The ship, the Miltzow, was held for three days, prompting officials at the WFP to begin transporting food to needy communities in Somalia by truck, which carries its own risks.

Days later, a Bahamian-registered cruise ship carrying 302 passengers and crew members was about 100 miles from Somalia when it was forced to take evasive action to escape pirates firing automatic weapons and rocket-propelled grenades.

Another group of Somali gunmen similarly held 48 Asian fishermen and three vessels near the southern Somali port of Kismayo in august 2005.

Still in the same year, a ship MV Torgelow returned to her home port in Mombasa, Kenya after being held for 53 days by pirates off the coast of Somalia. The cargo ship, which was carrying relief supplies to Somalia, was one of 33 vessels that reported to have been attacked and hijacked by pirates. The large cargo ship, half a football field long, was en route to Somalia to resupply one of its sister ships, the MV Semlow, which had just been released after being held for 101 days by pirates. The Semlow had been carrying relief supplies to Somalia for the WFP.

In another incidence, a Thai merchant vessel and its crew of 26 were hijacked by pirates off the Somali coastline at gunpoint and their captors immediately demanded a ransom before the ship could be released. The merchant ship was en-route from Brazil to Yemen with a cargo of sugar.

A week earlier, US-owned cruise ship had been attacked with rocket propelled grenades in space of a week.

Last year, a United Arab Emirates (UAE)-flagged ship MV Veesham I went missing for days before it was traced by fighters of the Union of Islamic Courts along the coastal District of Haradheere in central Somalia which has been notorious for groups of heavily armed pirates. The Islamists boarded the ship and vehemently overpowered the eight pirates equipped with automatic weapons onboard, securing the ship and saving all 14 crew members and their Ethiopian captain. The hijacked ship was stranded at the Indian Ocean for seven days following $150,000 (Ksh10 million) ransom demanded by the hijackers.

Owners of the vessel asked US anti-terror task forces based in Indian Ocean to track down the ship. The ship was hijacked from El Maan port in north Mogadishu as she was being loaded with charcoal which was being exported to Emirates. On it was a Somali Businessman, an Indian crew and an Ethiopian captain.

By 1999, Somalia was ranked the sixth most dangerous place for shipping worldwide, along with Nigeria but the situation worsened in 2000 making Somali coastline the most-dangerous in the world in a nation whereby real authority lies in the hands of local militia leaders

Somalia is rated alongside Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia, considered the most dangerous spots for piracy worldwide. By then, Indonesia, with 113 reported was the most dangerous place for shipping worldwide.

Incidences

The statistics for the first six months of 2006 showed that the recent decline in piracy attacks worldwide had slowed. The figures appeared in the Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships Report issued International Maritime Bureau (IMB).

In its report for the second quarter of 2006, IMB discloses that in 2006:

• 127 attacks have took place on ships;
• 74 ships were boarded by pirates;
• 11 ships were hijacked;
• 156 crew were taken hostage;
• 13 crew were kidnapped and six crew killed

Although the total number of attacks for the first half of 2006 remains the same compared to the same period for 2005, IMB is concerned that the situation has deteriorated in key hot spots.

The Eastern and North-Eastern coasts of Somalia continue to be high-risk areas for hijackings. Eight attacks by pirates wielding guns and grenades have been reported off the Eastern coast of Somalia so far this year.

IMB warns that ships not making scheduled calls to ports in these areas should stay at least 200 miles or as far away as practical from the Somali coast. And even that does not mean they are safe. Some hijackings and attempted hijackings have taken place as far as 400 miles offshore.

The highest number of reported piracy incidents during the first six months of 2006 occurred in Indonesia, where violence and intimidation of crew continues to be a hallmark of attacks. The report indicates that Bangladesh - with 22 recorded attacks on ships - is an emerging piracy hot spot.

Fighting the menace

Combating piracy is challenging, given the extensive coastline of Somalia, the longest in Africa at roughly 2,000 miles. At El Maan, Somalia's busiest port, local businessmen have begun their own anti-piracy patrols - small boats with gunmen aboard to escort commercial vehicles. But sometimes it is hard to determine which groups professing to fight piracy are actually engaged in it.

The pirates adopt names like the National Volunteer Coast Guard (NVCG), which is used by a group that intercepts small boats and fishing vessels in southern Somalia. Another of the four main piracy groups along the coast calls itself the Somali Marines (SM). Organized like a military unit, with admirals, vice admirals and the like, the group operates around Mogadishu.

Recently, though, the pirates have found themselves outgunned by a new foe - the United States (US) Navy. In January this year, the Navy received a report of an attempted hijacking far off the Somali coast. Using surveillance, the Navy focused on Al Bisarat, an Indian vessel that had been secretly taken over by pirates several days before and was being used as a mother ship for additional attacks. After tracking Al Bisarat overnight and failing to make radio contact, the American destroyer Winston S. Churchill fired warning shots at the vessel, prompting it to stop.

After a three-hour standoff, the pirates gave up. The hijackers released the two ships just over two weeks after they had reneged on an agreement between community leaders speaking on behalf of the pirates, WFP and TFG release of the Semlow, its cargo and crew in El Maan. The pirates made new ransom demands and sailed back to Haradheere.

Operations continue

Despite the challenging situation on the ground, WFP aims to provide one million people in Somalia with food in 2005. These include 50,000 people in the central regions of Somalia – as well as to the Tsunami survivors in Puntland.

The terrain has been rough for the UN relief agency, making it unable to get food into Somalia by sea for weeks. In the end, the WFP resorted to using a truck convoy, which had to pass through dozens of road blocks manned by various militias who normally demand a ‘toll tax’ before one is allowed passage.

Trained fighters

A Hong Kong-based company that owns Feisty Gas, a liquefied petroleum gas tanker that was seized on April 10, 2005 and paid $315 000 (Ksh22 million) to a representative of the Somali hijackers in Mombasa, Kenya, according to a recent UN report.

Somali pirates are trained fighters, often dressed in military fatigues, using speedboats equipped with satellite phones and Global Positioning System (GPS) equipment. They are typically armed with automatic weapons, anti-tank rocket launchers and various types of grenades. The bandits target both passenger and cargo vessels for ransom or loot, using the money to buy weapons.

Somaliland

It has experienced a level of stability that has not been present in other parts of Somalia. However, terrorist attacks occurred against international relief workers, including Westerners, throughout Somalia and Somaliland in late 2003 through early 2004, which resulted in a number of murders.

In early 2006 an American citizen working in southern Somalia was kidnapped and held for ransom. But there have not been any case of piracy along Somaliland, thanks to security operations by the local administration that is still attempting to get international recognition, 15 years after seceding from the rest of Somalia.

Nevertheless, in the other regions of Somalia there is no organized system of criminal justice, nor is there any recognized or established authority to administer a uniform application of due process. Enforcement of criminal laws is, therefore, haphazard to nonexistent. Piracy cases therefore go unpunished.

Ends…

2007 polls: Coalitions, Alliances and Mergers

IT seems like an enlightenment of sorts. The Kenyan politician look as though he has soon ‘discovered’ that he cannot win a General Election and more so the race to State House on his own.

This truth dawned early in 2002, ahead of the famed election that brought to a dramatic end then ruling party Kanu’s 40-years grip on power.

Prior to this, the opposition had on two occasions tried in vain to dislodge Kanu from power in the 1992 and 1997 General Elections, whereby then President Daniel Moi in his characteristic shrewdness applied “divide and rule” strategy to keep the opposition scattered. At the end, he won the elections twice despite the fact that he had by far less votes in comparison to the combined opposition.

However, come 2002 and then leader of the official opposition Mwai Kibaki, the late Vice-President and Saboti MP Michael Kijana Wamalwa and current Health Minister and Kitui Central MP Charity Kaluki Ngilu formed the first coalition – the National Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK).

NAK later merged with a breakaway team from Kanu led by former VP Prof. George Saitoti and then Energy minister and Langata MP Raila Odinga to form a grand alliance – National Rainbow Coalition (Narc) - that eventually romped to State House with a landslide victory and formed the government.

Just as then, the current crop of leaders are confronted by the same “truth” of coalitions, alliances and mergers if at all they intend to remain relevant, at the constituency, regional or national levels.

Parties

However, a bitter reality stands on the path to such grand unions. Kenya like any other African nation is a multi-ethnic community. Political parties are formed along tribal lines with a sole purpose of using one’s community to lay claim to the national cake.

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), for instance, is largely an all-Luo-Nyanza affair. Ford-Kenya draws the bulk of its support from Luhya tribe just as Narc-Kenya is associated with Kibaki’s Kikuyu community. Only two of Ford-People MPs in parliament come from outside Gusii Land, the hometuff of its leader and Roads minister Simeon Nyachae.

Leaders of political parties, on the other hand, are more of tribal chiefs than true democrats or nationalists. During his 24-years (mis) rule Moi enjoyed a cult-like support from his native Kalenjin community where even today Kanu remains the dominant party.

Raila is the de facto leader of the Luo community and those that have dared challenge his dominance have paid the price by losing their political seats and subsequently reclaimed them by singing to the his tune. This was quite evident in 1997 when Prof. Anyang’ Nyong’o lost his Kisumu rural seat after he opted to back Ngilu who was running for Presidency on a Social Democratic Party (SDP) ticket while Raila was standing on National Development Party ticket. The same fate befell one-time political high-flier and then Ugenya MP James Orengo decided to defy Raila and run for Presidency on an SDP ticket. Together with Orengo were Dr. Shem Ochuodho and Joe Donde.

In Luhya land, the community is still watching at a distance with a view to decide who between their two sons, former VP Musalia Mudavadi and Local Government minister and Ford-K boss, stands the highest chances of landing the State House job. 

President Mwai Kibaki of Kenya


Kibaki, despite him being the country’s Chief Executive is interpreted by many as the undisputed political leader of the Kikuyu and their kinsmen in the neighboring Mt. Kenya region. Kibaki has earned the notorious tag of allegedly being more ‘tribal’ in his State appointments than his predecessor.

In the Rift Valley Province, the populous Kalenjin community sees former powerful Cabinet minister and Kanu leaders Nicholas Biwott and William Ruto as their preferred bets if at all they stand any chance of getting back to power.

Due to this medieval-kind of arrangement, voters tend to cast their ballots alongside their community leader(s) rather than basing their judgment on one’s development record or manifesto.

A fight against such a certain tribal leader is interpreted as an onslaught against the entire community. In 2002, for instance, Ruto and his entire Kalenjin leadership took to the streets after he was charged with a high-profile corruption case touching on a non-existence piece of land he sold to state-owned Kenya Power and Lighting Company (KPLC).

Coalitions and Alliances

The 2007 election is seen by many analysts as a two-horse race between the Orange Democratic Movement of Kenya (ODM-K) and Narc-K.

Questions, however, arise on whether the two parties will hold up to the General Election.

In ODM-K two camps revolving around Raila and former Foreign minister and Mwingi North MP Kalonzo Musyoka have emerged.

Raila is known to enjoy good rapport with Mudavadi and Ruto and the three have the control of the largest combined tribal bloc within the party.

Kalonzo is closely allied to leader of the official opposition and a 2002 presidential poll loser Uhuru Kenyatta and would eat away into Ruto’s Kalenjin vote due to his closeness to Moi whose political shadow still attracts “reverence” of sorts in his community.

Narc-K, the flamboyant party associated with President Kibaki, is similarly divided. Two distinct camps have lately emerged pitting high-flying Education minister and former VP Prof. George Saitoti against the eloquent Trade and Industry minister Dr. Mukhisa Kituyi.

Saitoti, the Kajiado North MP is said to draw his support from Kibaki’s chief strategists and long-time friends who see the former University of Nairobi (UoN) Mathematics professor as the best replacement of Kibaki come 2012. This school of thought bases its judgment on the premise that Kenyans will indeed give Kibaki the mandate to go for a second term.

Kituyi’s backing comes from the young Turks of Kibaki Government who see him as the candidate who can enable the party demystify the widespread perception that it is an all-Kikuyu party.

Kibaki, though associated with Narc-K and even campaigned for its candidate in the Nakuru Town by-election, may after all not seek re-election on the party’s platform.

Word has been doing the rounds to the effect that the President has even sent emissaries to his estranged partners in Narc, to be precise, Ngilu and Kombo on the possibility of reviving Narc in the original spirit of the party’s vision.

According to Ngilu, Narc’s chairperson, Narc-K is “most welcome” to be part of the coalition. Those advancing this notion allude to the fact that by reviving Narc, Kibaki would stand a better chance of welcoming back his estranged partners like LDP. Its critics in Narc-K, however, argue that Narc is dead and would only be revived if Ngilu relinquished its leadership (to Kibaki).

Yet other political observers say a coalition of Government of National Unity (GNU), comprising of Kanu MPs and Ford-P would be the best bet. Such a coalition is not far from Narc-K which is a grouping of MPs sympathetic to Kibaki administration. GNU, simply put, is Narc-K in a new gown, analysts portend.

Yet another option would be for Kibaki to play the devil’s role, engage “divide and rule” within ODM-K with a view to attract disgruntled voices within the populist movement.

According to Kibaki’s chief campaigners, Kalonzo would be the best catch as he is seen as popular enough to deserve being Kibaki’s running mate and he is less controversial and untainted.

And still, Kibaki could pull a first one by doing the unexpected; endear Raila back to his Government. By executing his last Cabinet reshuffle, Raila would be appointed the VP, comfortably making him the second in command and heir apparent.

Though widely seen as “pipe dream” by many, this is highly possible in a continent where “opportunism and use-and-dump” are trademark traits of any political genius.

Ends…